Former Japan PM Yasuo Fukuda dies at 90; sought to end island row with China

Former Japanese Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda, who sought to strengthen ties with China and promote diplomatic cooperation with Asian neighbours during his brief tenure, has died at the age of 90, Japan’s ruling Liberal Democratic Party confirmed on Monday.

Fukuda died on October 22 from heart failure, according to the Nikkei business daily, which reported his death on Monday. He served as prime minister from September 2007 to September 2008, succeeding Shinzo Abe after Abe’s first government collapsed amid political and administrative difficulties.

Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi expressed “deep sorrow” over Fukuda’s death, praising his efforts to represent Japan on international issues and strengthen its standing in the global community.

Fukuda’s political legacy was shaped by two contrasting developments: his pursuit of more stable relations with China and his struggle to govern amid a divided parliament that repeatedly obstructed his legislative agenda.

China diplomacy defined his premiership

Fukuda sought to improve Japan’s relations with China at a time when historical grievances and territorial disputes complicated ties between the Asian powers.

One of the most significant developments during his tenure was Chinese President Hu Jintao’s visit to Japan in May 2008. It was the first visit by a Chinese head of state to Japan in a decade.

The two leaders issued a joint statement committing to a “mutually beneficial relationship based on common strategic interests”, signalling an effort to move beyond longstanding bilateral tensions.

Fukuda also chaired the Group of Eight summit held in Toyako, Hokkaido, in July 2008. Climate change and international cooperation featured prominently in the summit, which brought together leaders of major industrialised economies.

His diplomatic engagement with China continued after he left office. In 2014, Fukuda met Chinese President Xi Jinping as Tokyo and Beijing sought to ease tensions over a disputed island chain and historical issues. His efforts helped create conditions for a summit between Xi and Abe later that year, during Abe’s second premiership.

Fukuda was regarded as a diplomatic moderate who favoured dialogue with neighbouring countries, particularly China. His approach stood out in a bilateral relationship frequently strained by competing territorial claims and disagreements over the interpretation of wartime history.

Political deadlock forced his resignation

Fukuda became prime minister in September 2007 following Abe’s abrupt resignation. His government, however, faced a difficult parliamentary environment in which opposition parties controlled the upper house, complicating the passage of legislation.

The political stalemate restricted his government’s ability to advance its agenda and contributed to mounting frustration within the administration.

Fukuda resigned in September 2008, after approximately a year in office. His departure followed declining public approval and persistent difficulties in securing legislative cooperation.

Before becoming prime minister, Fukuda had established himself as a senior figure in the Liberal Democratic Party. He was elected to Japan’s lower house in 1990 and served as chief cabinet secretary from 2000 to 2004, becoming one of the country’s longest-serving occupants of that influential position.

Born on July 16, 1936, Fukuda graduated from Waseda University with a degree in economics. He spent nearly two decades working for an oil company, including a two-year posting in the United States, before entering politics as a secretary to his father, Takeo Fukuda, who became prime minister in 1976.

Yasuo Fukuda was the first son of a former Japanese prime minister to become prime minister himself. His father served from 1976 to 1978, making the family one of Japan’s notable political dynasties.

Fukuda retired from electoral politics in 2012. His son, Tatsuo Fukuda, is also a lawmaker and has been viewed as a potential future prime minister.

His death marks the passing of a leader whose short time in office was defined by efforts to improve regional diplomacy, even as domestic political divisions limited his government’s room for manoeuvre.

 

Rahul Gandhi acquitted in defamation case over Amit Shah remarks

Congress leader Rahul Gandhi was acquitted on Monday by a special MP-MLA court in Sultanpur, Uttar Pradesh, in a defamation case over alleged objectionable remarks against Union Home Minister Amit Shah, who was the BJP president when the comments were made.

Gandhi was present in court when the verdict was pronounced. The court ruled that his remarks were not defamatory, bringing to a close a case that originated in 2018 and stemmed from his criticism of the BJP leadership during the Karnataka Assembly election campaign.

The complaint was filed by Vijay Mishra, a local BJP leader and former chairman of the Sultanpur District Cooperative Bank. Mishra alleged that Gandhi had defamed Shah during a campaign rally in Bengaluru ahead of the 2018 Karnataka Assembly elections.

Gandhi had questioned the BJP’s claims of promoting honest and clean politics, referring to Shah as a “party president who is an accused in a murder case”.

The complainant argued that the remarks were derogatory and amounted to defamation.

Court rejects defamation allegation

The case was subsequently heard by the special MP-MLA court in Sultanpur. Gandhi appeared before the court in February 2024 and was granted bail on personal bonds. The proceedings continued as the court heard the matter.

Earlier this year, Gandhi travelled from Lucknow to Sultanpur under heavy security to record his statement. He had missed an earlier hearing scheduled for January 19, following which the court fixed February 20 as the next date.

Gandhi appeared again on Monday for the final proceedings, travelling to Sultanpur via Lucknow. After arguments from both sides, the court pronounced its verdict, acquitting him of the defamation charge.

Before the verdict, Mishra’s counsel, Santosh Kumar Pandey, had outlined the possible outcomes, including acquittal or conviction.

“If he is convicted, arguments will be heard on that point. After that, the court will deliver its verdict immediately,” Pandey said, adding that the maximum punishment could extend to two years’ imprisonment, along with a fine.

Congress celebrates acquittal

Congress leaders and supporters celebrated outside the court after the verdict, beating drums and raising slogans.

Congress MLC Deepak Singh welcomed the decision, saying the party respected the court’s ruling.

“We respectfully accept the court’s decision, and the truth has ultimately prevailed. Rahul Gandhi had to face many hardships during this period…” Singh told reporters outside the court.

The acquittal marks a legal victory for Gandhi in the case arising from his remarks about Shah during the 2018 election campaign. The court’s finding that the comments were not defamatory resulted in his acquittal in the complaint filed by Mishra.

 

Lula Win Deals Trump Setback, Checks Latin America’s Rightward Shift

Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva’s victory in Sunday’s presidential runoff has dealt a setback to US President Donald Trump’s efforts to expand the influence of conservative allies across Latin America, keeping the region’s largest economy under left-wing leadership for another four years.

Lula defeated Senator Flavio Bolsonaro, the eldest son of former President Jair Bolsonaro, to secure an unprecedented fourth presidential term. The electoral court declared Lula the winner after a contest that defied the regional shift toward right-wing governments and delivered a setback to the Bolsonaro family’s bid to return to power.

The result also frustrates Washington’s efforts to bring Brazil closer to a conservative political bloc aligned with Trump’s agenda on security, migration and regional policy. The Trump administration’s State Department had campaigned to help the Bolsonaro family regain power, Reuters reported.

Lula, an influential figure on the global left, has frequently clashed with Trump over trade and other policy issues. His victory preserves an important counterweight to the growing number of Latin American governments whose leaders have embraced closer political alignment with Washington.

The outcome, however, does not guarantee that Lula will be able to translate his electoral mandate into greater regional influence. Brazil’s domestic political divisions, economic pressures and a strengthened conservative Congress could constrain his ability to advance his agenda.

Brazil Vote Interrupts Latin America’s Rightward Shift

Flavio Bolsonaro had finished ahead of Lula in the first round and sought to build on the momentum of his father’s political movement. His defeat by more than 4 million votes in the runoff represents a major setback for the Brazilian right, which had hoped to return the Bolsonaro family to the presidency.

Lula’s victory also interrupts a series of electoral gains by right-wing candidates across Latin America, many of whom have advocated tougher security policies, more business-friendly economic measures and closer ties with the Trump administration.

For Washington, Brazil’s political direction matters because of its economic scale and diplomatic reach. As Latin America’s largest economy, Brazil plays an important role in regional integration, international climate negotiations and relations with major powers, including the United States and China.

Lula has sought to preserve Brazil’s independent foreign policy and strengthen cooperation among developing economies. His return to office is likely to sustain that approach, although the precise direction of relations with Washington will depend on decisions by both governments.

Celso Amorim, a former foreign minister under Lula, described the Brazilian president as an important balancing force in Latin America. The result leaves a prominent regional leader outside the increasingly conservative bloc that Trump has sought to cultivate.

Lula’s campaign also drew on his record of social programmes and poverty reduction. His government highlighted lower unemployment, illiteracy and deforestation during his third term, while pledging further support for workers and lower-income households.

His return to office was far from assured. Rising living costs, corruption controversies and changes in the labour market had weakened support for Lula and his Workers’ Party. The president nevertheless secured enough support to overcome Flavio Bolsonaro’s first-round lead.

The result suggests that the region’s rightward movement is not uniform. But it does not establish a broader reversal of conservative electoral gains, with political outcomes continuing to vary across countries.

Conservative Congress Could Limit Lula’s Influence

Lula’s fourth term begins with a domestic political obstacle that could complicate both his economic programme and his foreign policy ambitions. Brazil has elected its most conservative Congress since the country’s return to democracy in the 1980s.

Bolsonaro’s Liberal Party and allied parties could control more than 280 seats in the lower house and up to 50 seats in the Senate, giving the opposition substantial leverage over legislation, spending and key appointments.

The balance of power could force Lula to negotiate with conservative lawmakers to secure support for his proposals. It could also limit his ability to expand social programmes or pursue reforms that require congressional approval.

The economic outlook presents another challenge. The government expects Brazil’s economy to grow by 2.3% next year, while public debt has exceeded 82% of gross domestic product. High interest rates and rising household debt add to concerns about the country’s fiscal position and consumer spending.

Lula has promised measures aimed at easing household financial pressures, including debt relief and expanded welfare support. Yet financing those commitments while addressing concerns about public debt will require difficult choices.

The conservative opposition is expected to push for structural reforms favouring businesses, potentially including spending reductions that could provoke resistance from workers and welfare recipients.

For Trump, Lula’s victory means that efforts to consolidate a more ideologically aligned bloc in Latin America will have to contend with a Brazilian government pursuing its own regional and international priorities. For Lula, the challenge is to use his renewed mandate to maintain Brazil’s diplomatic independence while navigating a hostile legislature, economic constraints and a politically divided electorate.

The election has preserved a prominent left-wing government in the region, but whether that translates into a wider shift in Latin American politics will depend on developments well beyond Brazil’s presidential race.

FAQs

1. How does Lula’s victory affect Donald Trump’s influence in Latin America?

Lula’s re-election keeps Brazil, the region’s largest economy, under left-wing leadership, complicating Trump’s efforts to strengthen ties with conservative governments across Latin America.

2. Who did Lula defeat in Brazil’s 2026 presidential election?

Lula defeated Senator Flavio Bolsonaro, the eldest son of former President Jair Bolsonaro, in the presidential runoff.

3. Why is Brazil’s election important for US foreign policy?

Brazil’s economic scale and diplomatic influence make it a significant regional power. Its positions on trade, migration, security, climate policy and relations with China can affect Washington’s interests across Latin America.

4. What is Lula’s position on relations with the United States?

Lula has pursued an independent foreign policy and sought to strengthen cooperation among developing economies. His approach could create differences with the Trump administration on trade and other international issues.

5. Will Lula’s victory reverse the rightward shift in Latin America?

Not necessarily. The result interrupts the recent electoral gains of right-wing candidates, but political trends differ across the region. Brazil’s election alone does not establish a broader reversal.

6. What challenges will Lula face during his fourth term?

Lula faces a conservative Congress, concerns over public debt, relatively modest projected economic growth and rising household debt. These pressures could constrain his spending plans and legislative agenda.

7. How could Brazil’s conservative Congress affect Lula’s policies?

Opposition parties are expected to wield substantial influence over legislation, budgets and appointments. Lula may need to negotiate with conservative lawmakers to pass reforms and implement his economic and social programmes.

Who Is Parakala Prabhakar? Economist and Nirmala Sitharaman’s Husband Joins Anti-SIR Protests

Parakala Prabhakar, an economist and political commentator known for his criticism of the Narendra Modi government, has emerged as a prominent voice in the campaign against the Election Commission of India’s Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls.

Prabhakar, whose father once served as a minister in the state cabinet of Andhra Pradesh, is also the husband of Union Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman, whose political views differ from his own views, as he himself admitted to a Telugu video channel.

Prabhakar announced his participation in the October 23, 2026, nationwide protest organised by the People Against SIR alliance. The campaign is demanding that the Election Commission withdraw the voter-roll revision exercise and that Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar resign. The organisers have alleged that the process risks excluding eligible voters, particularly from vulnerable communities.

His involvement has brought renewed attention to a career spanning economics, political communication, public administration and writing.

From Economics to Political Commentary

Prabhakar studied at Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU) in New Delhi before pursuing doctoral research at the London School of Economics. His academic work included the political economy of security, according to his professional profile. He has worked as a political economist and communications strategist and is associated with RightFOLIO, a knowledge and communications enterprise based in Hyderabad.

His career has also included direct involvement in politics. He was associated with the Bharatiya Janata Party before joining actor Chiranjeevi’s Praja Rajyam Party, where he served as a spokesperson. He left the party in 2009 following differences over its functioning.

In July 2014, the then Andhra Pradesh government led by Chief Minister N. Chandrababu Naidu appointed Prabhakar as its communications adviser, with the rank of a Cabinet minister. He resigned in June 2018 after criticism from opposition leaders over his position in the government while his wife was associated with the BJP. Prabhakar said he did not want his continuation in office to raise questions about the state government’s political position.

Why Prabhakar Criticises the Modi Government

Prabhakar has become known for his criticism of the Centre’s economic policies, unemployment and what he describes as the weakening of democratic institutions.

His book, The Crooked Timber of New India: Essays on a Republic in Crisis, published in 2023, examines India’s political and economic direction under the Modi government. It brings together essays questioning policy decisions and developments affecting democratic institutions and public discourse.

In recent months, Prabhakar has focused much of his criticism on the Election Commission’s Special Intensive Revision of electoral rolls. He has argued that the exercise raises serious concerns about voting rights and the potential exclusion of eligible citizens.

The Election Commission’s revision process and the allegations made by its critics should be distinguished: claims about wrongful deletions and the exercise’s political implications require assessment against official electoral data, the Commission’s explanations and relevant judicial proceedings.

Marriage to Nirmala Sitharaman

Prabhakar married Nirmala Sitharaman in 1986 after the two met while studying at JNU. Sitharaman, then associated with the Free Thinkers group, subsequently rose through the BJP’s ranks and became Union Finance Minister, while Prabhakar, associated with the Congress’s student wing, NSUI in JNU, developed an independent career in political analysis and public commentary.

Their differing political positions have frequently drawn public attention. Prabhakar’s criticism of the government led by the party with which his wife is associated has made him an unusual figure in India’s political discourse.

His participation in the anti-SIR campaign places him within a broader debate over electoral transparency, voter eligibility and the Election Commission’s role. The central question is whether the revision process can ensure accurate electoral rolls while protecting the voting rights of every eligible citizen.

US Midterms: Trump-Directed DOJ Lawsuit Seeks to Halt Alaska Senate Result in Narrow-Loss Scenario

The US Justice Department has filed an unusual lawsuit seeking to prevent Alaska from certifying its Senate election results under a specific scenario in which Republican incumbent Dan Sullivan narrowly loses to Democrat Mary Peltola, opening a legal battle over voter confusion, ballot secrecy and federal authority over state-run elections just days before the November 3 midterms.

President Donald Trump confirmed on Friday that he personally directed the Justice Department to pursue the legal challenge, which could affect the balance of power in the Senate if the Alaska contest proves decisive.

The lawsuit, filed in federal court on Thursday, targets the candidacy of Dan J. Sullivan Jr., a second Republican whose name closely resembles that of the incumbent, Senator Dan S. Sullivan. The Justice Department argues that the additional candidacy could confuse voters intending to support the sitting senator and divert votes that might otherwise determine the outcome.

The department has asked a federal judge to prevent Alaska from certifying the result if the incumbent loses by fewer votes than the total received by his same-named challenger. Under that scenario, the court would be asked to investigate whether voter confusion affected the outcome.

The legal action places the administration at the centre of a dispute over an election that has not yet taken place. It also raises a broader question for the 2026 midterms: under what circumstances can the federal government seek to intervene in a state’s election certification process?

Trump confirms personal direction as DOJ challenges Alaska election process

Trump acknowledged his role in the lawsuit while speaking to reporters in Florida on Friday.

“I’m the one that said do it,” he said, according to The Washington Post.

The president had criticised the second Sullivan’s candidacy on social media earlier in the week, describing it as a “SCAM” and indicating that his administration was considering legal options.

Justice Department officials have defended the intervention as an effort to protect electoral integrity. Associate Attorney General Stanley E. Woodward argued in the court filing that the second candidate’s presence could mislead voters and distort the electorate’s intentions.

The department’s case relies on the National Voter Registration Act, a federal law governing voter registration. Justice Department lawyers have invoked language in the statute concerning the protection of the integrity of the electoral process to justify federal involvement.

However, the legal theory has drawn criticism from election-law specialists, who question whether the statute provides a sufficient basis for blocking certification under the circumstances described in the lawsuit.

The Washington Post reported that legal experts also questioned how investigators could determine whether voters had confused the two candidates without compromising the secrecy of individual ballots.

The department has not established that the election result will be affected by the second candidacy. The lawsuit instead seeks a judicial mechanism to examine a potential outcome if the margin between the incumbent and Peltola is smaller than the votes received by Dan J. Sullivan Jr.

The distinction matters because the proposed intervention would be conditional on a future result. It is not evidence that voter confusion has already changed the outcome, nor does the lawsuit establish that the second candidate’s votes were cast by people who intended to support the incumbent.

Attorney General Todd Blanche sought to distance the department from any suggestion that it intended to interfere improperly with state certification procedures. Speaking on Thursday, he said the department did not intend to interfere with elections, while declining to rule out intervention in every possible circumstance.

A Justice Department spokesperson subsequently said the department was taking steps to ensure that what it described as a frivolous candidacy did not undermine the integrity of Alaska’s election.

Peltola’s campaign condemned the lawsuit, calling it a political threat and an attempt to suppress Alaskans’ votes. The campaign said it would fight to ensure that every eligible voter could participate.

The incumbent senator’s campaign said it was prepared to let the legal proceedings continue. It also defended Sullivan’s record in office.

The competing responses underline the political sensitivity of the case. A ruling that delays certification could affect the timing of the Senate result, while the ultimate legal outcome would depend on the court’s assessment of the department’s statutory arguments and the circumstances of the election.

Second Sullivan’s candidacy has faced legal challenges since June

The dispute predates the Justice Department’s intervention. Dan J. Sullivan Jr., a retired teacher and former member of the Alaska Independence Party, registered as a Republican shortly before entering the Senate race this year. He has denied attempting to mislead voters or coordinating with Democrats or Peltola’s campaign.

Alaska election officials moved in June to remove him from the ballot, agreeing with concerns that his candidacy could confuse voters. A state court subsequently ordered that he be reinstated, and the state’s Supreme Court later upheld that decision.

He advanced to the general election through Alaska’s August primary, which sends the top four candidates to the general election regardless of party affiliation. He received approximately 2.5% of the primary vote, according to The Washington Post.

Name confusion involving candidates is not unprecedented in Alaska. The newspaper reported that Senator Dan S. Sullivan was first elected in 2014, when another politician named Dan Sullivan, then Anchorage’s mayor, was running for lieutenant governor. An Alaska political consultant told the newspaper that confusion over the names may have contributed to the senator’s victory that year.

The present dispute, however, involves a distinct legal question: whether the possibility of voter confusion provides a sufficient basis for a federal court to stop certification if the eventual vote margin meets the condition outlined in the lawsuit.

Election-law experts quoted by The Washington Post criticised the department’s legal reasoning. University of Notre Dame law professor Derek T. Muller questioned its interpretation of the voter-registration statute, while David Becker, executive director of the Center for Election Innovation & Research, said he could not recall an administration attempting to stop certification so close to an election.

The lawsuit also leaves unresolved how an investigation into voter intent could be conducted without identifying individual ballot choices. That issue could become central if the court allows the case to proceed.

Why the Alaska case matters for control of the Senate

Alaska is one of six Republican-held Senate seats identified in Reuters’ midterm analysis as being in play, alongside Maine, North Carolina, Ohio, Iowa and Texas. Democrats need a net gain of four seats to take control of the Senate, while also defending competitive contests in Michigan and New Hampshire.

That arithmetic gives the Alaska lawsuit significance beyond the state itself. If the Senate’s balance ultimately depends on the result, a delay in certification could become part of a wider national dispute over which party controls the chamber.

Alaska’s use of ranked-choice voting and its comparatively lengthy tabulation process could also create additional opportunities for legal challenges, election-law specialists have warned, according to The Washington Post.

The lawsuit comes amid broader disputes between the Trump administration and state election authorities. The administration has sought greater federal involvement in election administration, challenged state voter-registration practices and pursued restrictions concerning mail ballots. Several of those efforts have encountered legal resistance.

The administration’s critics argue that attempts to intervene in state election processes risk undermining public confidence, particularly when action is directed at a race that could determine control of Congress. The Justice Department maintains that its intervention is intended to protect election integrity.

Those positions will ultimately be tested against the law, the evidence and the court’s decision. The existence of a same-named candidate, by itself, does not establish that voters have been misled or that an election result is invalid.

The Alaska case also highlights the difference between counting votes, determining whether election rules have been followed and certifying the official result. Certification is the formal process through which election authorities confirm the outcome after required procedures have been completed. A court order blocking certification would interrupt that process, but would not itself establish who won the election.

With Election Day approaching on November 3, the immediate question is whether the federal court will accept the Justice Department’s argument that the potential for confusion justifies conditional intervention in the certification process.

The broader stakes extend beyond one Senate contest. The case will test the boundaries of federal authority over state elections and how courts address allegations that a candidate’s name could influence voting behaviour. It will also provide a closely watched example of how election disputes may unfold if control of Congress depends on a narrow result.

For now, the lawsuit concerns a possible outcome, not a proven case of electoral interference. Whether it results in a certification delay will depend on the court’s ruling and the eventual vote count in Alaska.

 

US Midterms 2026: Inflation Puts Trump’s Republicans on Defensive as Control of Congress Hangs in Balance

Rising household costs, the economic consequences of the war with Iran and growing dissatisfaction with President Donald Trump are emerging as major vulnerabilities for Republicans ahead of the November 3 US midterm elections, with Democrats seeking to turn public frustration into control of Congress.

The election, which will determine the balance of power in Washington for the final two years of Trump’s current term, is increasingly becoming a test of whether the president can persuade voters to support his party despite mounting pressure over affordability. Republicans have benefited from changes to congressional district boundaries, but that advantage may not be enough to overcome a political environment in which voters are increasingly concerned about prices and the economy.

A Reuters/Ipsos poll conducted in late August found that 47% of registered voters considered the cost of living the single most important factor in deciding their midterm vote. The survey also found that 71% of American adults disapproved of Trump’s handling of the issue, compared with 22% who approved.

The pressure extends beyond headline inflation. Gasoline, groceries, housing and healthcare are among the expenses weighing on household budgets, making economic performance a direct political liability for the party controlling the White House and Congress.

The war with Iran has added another dimension to the affordability debate by pushing up energy costs. Higher fuel prices affect not only motorists but also transportation, freight and businesses that pass increased operating costs on to consumers.

The political consequences are particularly significant for Trump, who campaigned on lowering prices and improving economic conditions. When voters continue to experience high costs, the administration risks being judged on household finances rather than its broader policy achievements.

Cost of living becomes the central political battleground

The emerging electoral divide is not simply about which party has the stronger economic message. It is about which party voters trust to address the pressures they experience in everyday life.

Reuters/Ipsos polling in August found that Democrats held an eight-percentage-point advantage over Republicans on handling the cost of living. The shift marked a significant change from earlier in the year, when the parties were much closer in voters’ assessments.

The trend creates an opening for Democrats to frame the election as a referendum on the administration’s economic record. Their challenge, however, is to convince voters that their proposals would deliver tangible improvements rather than merely exploit dissatisfaction with the incumbent party.

Republicans are seeking to redirect the debate towards ideological differences, portraying Democrats as increasingly influenced by socialist policies. That strategy could help maintain support among conservative voters, but it also risks appearing disconnected from the immediate concerns of households struggling with fuel, food and healthcare expenses.

The economy is not the only issue shaping the contest. Immigration and democratic norms remain part of the national debate, but the Reuters reporting suggests that affordability has become the dominant concern for a substantial share of voters.

This creates a difficult political calculation for Republicans. They must defend their governing record while persuading voters that their policies will ease financial pressure. Democrats, meanwhile, must turn their advantage on the cost of living into votes in the relatively small number of competitive districts and states that could determine control of Congress.

The outcome will also test the extent to which voters treat the midterms as a judgment on the president. Although Trump is not on the ballot, congressional candidates from his party are likely to face questions about the administration’s economic and foreign policies.

House and Senate present different paths to power

Democrats have a potentially more achievable route to the House of Representatives than to the Senate, although neither outcome is guaranteed.

Republicans hold a narrow House majority of 218 seats, leaving the party with little room for electoral losses. Roughly 40 districts are considered competitive, according to the Reuters report, meaning that a relatively small number of races could decide which party controls the chamber.

Democrats’ opportunities include Republican-held seats in Nebraska’s 2nd Congressional District, New Jersey’s 7th District and California’s 48th District. Redrawn district boundaries have improved Democratic prospects in these contests.

The party must also defend vulnerable seats of its own. Ohio’s 9th District and North Carolina’s 1st District have been redrawn in ways that favour Republicans, illustrating how district boundaries can create electoral advantages even before voters cast their ballots.

The redistricting battle has altered the national electoral map. Nine states have new House maps in place following a year of political and legal manoeuvring. Republicans gained an advantage in 15 districts across those states, while Democrats improved their position in six, according to Reuters.

However, favourable district boundaries do not guarantee victory. National political conditions, candidate quality, campaign organisation and voter turnout can all influence the results. Some maps remain subject to legal challenges, although the litigation was not expected to change district lines before the November election, according to the report.

The Senate presents a more demanding challenge for Democrats. They need a net gain of four seats to take control, while holding Michigan and New Hampshire, both identified as competitive races.

Democrats must also flip four of six Republican-held seats in Alaska, Maine, North Carolina, Ohio, Iowa and Texas. The task is complicated by the party’s limited recent success in some of these states, particularly Iowa and Texas, which have not elected Democrats to the Senate in more than a decade.

The different electoral arithmetic means Democrats could gain control of the House without securing the Senate. Such an outcome would still significantly change the political environment for Trump, giving Democrats greater power to investigate the administration, influence legislation and challenge Republican priorities.

A Senate victory would carry additional consequences because the chamber plays a central role in confirming cabinet members, ambassadors and federal judges. Yet even control of both chambers would not automatically allow Democrats to enact their entire agenda. Presidential veto powers and Senate legislative procedures would continue to constrain what Congress could accomplish.

The election is therefore about more than the immediate fortunes of the two parties. It will determine how much legislative and political room Trump retains during the closing two years of his term, as well as the leverage Democrats gain ahead of the 2028 presidential campaign.

With voting already under way in some states, the central question is whether Republican gains from redistricting and the party’s appeal to conservative voters can offset dissatisfaction over the economy. Democrats have an opening, but converting national frustration into a congressional majority will depend on their performance in a limited number of decisive contests.

The November 3 results will provide a measure of how voters assess Trump’s presidency midway through his term. For Republicans, the challenge is to defend their record while addressing the cost pressures dominating the campaign. For Democrats, the opportunity is to turn affordability into a broader mandate to scrutinise the administration and reshape the legislative agenda.

 

Europe is Protesting Over Cost of Living as India’s Gen Z Hits Streets Over Election Rules; What Connects Them?

A young person in Madrid can have a job and still struggle to afford a home. A graduate in India can spend years preparing for a competitive examination and still face an uncertain route to secure employment. A French student can attend a school where staff shortages undermine the education they were promised. An Indian voter can question whether the electoral process is being administered fairly.

These are not the same crisis. Yet they point towards a common political vulnerability: the gap between what people expect from institutions and what they believe those institutions actually deliver.

Across Europe, protests in October 2026 have brought housing costs, fuel prices, wages and public services into the political spotlight. In India, recent demonstrations have centred on electoral-roll revisions and demands for Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar’s resignation, amid wider concerns about jobs, recruitment and institutional accountability.

The distinction is crucial. Europe’s protests are largely about the affordability of everyday life and the performance of public services. India’s latest mobilisation has a more direct institutional trigger: whether voters can trust the machinery of democracy. But beneath these different demands lies a question with consequences for both regions: how long can political systems retain public confidence when people feel that the promise of progress is slipping out of reach?

Europe’s problem: Having a job is no longer enough

In Spain, the housing crisis has become a symbol of economic insecurity. A reported 230% rent increase preceded the eviction of 87-year-old Maricarmen Abascal, whose case became a rallying point for campaigners demanding stronger tenant protections.

Portugal faces a related problem. Housing prices more than doubled between 2015 and 2024, according to official data cited in reporting on the protests. For younger people, the question is increasingly whether wages can support an independent household in cities where rents and property prices have surged.

France presents another version of the same tension. Demonstrations that began with complaints about teacher shortages, poor school facilities and university admissions widened into demands over fuel prices, wages and pensions. The protests have placed pressure on President Emmanuel Macron’s government as France approaches its 2027 presidential election.

The political significance is larger than any single rent increase or school dispute. When employment does not guarantee housing, or education fails to deliver reliable opportunities, the traditional promise of social mobility comes under pressure.

This does not mean every European demonstrator faces the same circumstances. Nor does it mean the continent has stopped delivering prosperity. It means that rising costs and uneven access to essential services have become visible tests of whether economic progress is reaching ordinary households.

For governments, announcing growth figures is one thing. Persuading residents that they can afford to live, study and work with reasonable security is another.

India’s pressure point: The long road from education to opportunity

India’s challenge begins earlier for many young people: securing the job that might eventually make independent living possible.

Azim Premji University’s State of Working India 2026 report, drawing on 2023 data, estimated unemployment among graduates under 25 at approximately 39.3%. For graduates aged 25–29, the estimate was about 20%. The report estimated that 11 million of India’s 63 million graduates aged 20–29 were unemployed in 2023.

These figures refer to graduates, not all young Indians, but they highlight the difficulty of translating educational qualifications into employment.

The consequences extend beyond the individual jobseeker. Families invest in education with the expectation that it will improve economic prospects. Competitive examinations can require years of preparation. When recruitment is delayed, examinations are compromised by paper leaks or vacancies remain difficult to secure, frustration can accumulate well before a young person enters the labour market.

Housing and living costs then compound the problem for those who do find work, particularly in major cities.

This is where the European comparison becomes useful, but only up to a point. In Spain, an employed young adult may struggle to pay rent. In India, a graduate may first struggle to find stable employment and then face the costs of establishing an independent household.

The pressures overlap, but their starting points differ. India’s larger population, labour-market structure, regional inequalities and substantial informal workforce make its employment challenge distinct from the housing pressures driving demonstrations in parts of Europe.

The broader political question is whether education and economic growth translate into tangible improvements in people’s lives. When that transition becomes uncertain, frustration can extend beyond the immediate problem and affect confidence in public institutions.

The decisive difference: European policy demands versus India’s electoral dispute

The sharpest distinction between the current protests is what demonstrators want governments to change.

In France, the demands include better school staffing, relief from living costs and improved wages and pensions. In Spain and Portugal, campaigners are seeking measures to make housing affordable and protect tenants. These are policy disputes over how governments regulate markets, fund services and distribute the costs of economic change.

India’s recent demonstrations have a different immediate focus. Protesters and opposition parties have challenged electoral-roll revisions and demanded the resignation of Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar. They allege that the process could benefit the ruling BJP; the Election Commission and the party have rejected accusations of partisan intent.

This is not simply another cost-of-living protest. The Election Commission occupies a central position in India’s democratic system, and disputes over its decisions raise questions about electoral administration, political competition and public confidence in the voting process.

That difference shapes the stakes. A government can respond to housing pressure by changing rental rules, increasing housing supply or providing targeted assistance. An electoral controversy requires credible explanations of procedures, scrutiny of the evidence and confidence that complaints can be resolved through established legal and institutional channels.

Both can become political tests, but they are not interchangeable. A housing protest does not automatically become a crisis of democratic legitimacy, just as a dispute over electoral rolls cannot be explained solely through economic insecurity.

The more useful comparison is that both types of grievance can become harder to contain when citizens believe their concerns are not being heard.

When does a grievance become a movement?

A rent increase affects one household directly. A shortage of teachers affects a school community. A recruitment dispute affects candidates waiting for a selection process. An electoral-roll revision can affect voters concerned about their ability to participate.

These grievances become politically significant when people see them not as isolated incidents but as evidence of a wider failure.

In Europe, housing campaigners have linked individual cases of eviction to broader arguments about rent regulation, property investment and the availability of affordable homes. In France, education grievances have widened into demands concerning wages and living standards.

In India, electoral-roll protests have drawn on a wider debate over institutional accountability. Separately, disputes over examination integrity and recruitment have highlighted the stakes for young people seeking secure employment.

The mechanisms are different, and the evidence does not establish that the protests share a single organisation or cause. But the comparison reveals how a specific dispute can become a focal point for wider dissatisfaction.

Governments face a difficult task when this happens. Addressing the original complaint may not be enough if the protest has come to represent a broader loss of confidence. Conversely, treating all demonstrators as participants in one unified movement risks overlooking the distinct concerns that brought them onto the streets.

The response matters as much as the grievance: whether authorities provide evidence, explain decisions, protect peaceful protest and offer credible routes for redress can shape how a dispute develops.

The warning for India is not that Europe’s unrest will be repeated

It would be misleading to suggest that India is destined to experience the same protests as France, Spain or Portugal. The countries differ in income levels, demographic profiles, labour markets, welfare systems and political institutions. The protests also vary in scale, organisation and immediate objective.

The useful lesson is more specific.

Europe shows how housing and public-service pressures can become political liabilities even in established economies. India shows why education, employment and institutional credibility must be examined together, while recognising that its latest electoral protests have their own distinct origins.

For Indian policymakers, the challenge is not simply to create more jobs or announce new programmes. It is to improve the reliability of recruitment, expand access to stable work and ensure that economic growth translates into opportunities people can realistically reach. For electoral institutions, it is to make contested procedures transparent and provide credible answers to allegations.

For European governments, the task includes making housing more accessible, maintaining reliable public services and ensuring that economic adjustment does not leave households unable to meet basic costs.

The common test is whether institutions can demonstrate that they respond to citizens’ concerns. Protest does not automatically mean a government has lost legitimacy, and the presence of demonstrations does not prove that every demand is justified. But repeated mobilisation can signal that existing channels of representation or policy delivery are under strain.

The deeper comparison is not Europe or India. It is between the promises political and economic systems make and the experiences citizens use to judge those promises.

Europe’s demonstrators are asking whether prosperity can still deliver an affordable life. India’s recent protesters are asking whether the institutions governing democracy can command confidence. The questions are different, but both put accountability under scrutiny.

FAQs

1. Why are the current protests in Europe different from those in India?

Protests in France, Spain and Portugal have focused heavily on living costs, housing and public services. India’s recent demonstrations have centred on electoral-roll revisions and demands for the chief election commissioner’s resignation, alongside wider concerns about jobs and recruitment.

2. What connects the protests despite their different causes?

Both illustrate how specific grievances can become broader political disputes when people believe institutions are not responding adequately. That common pattern does not mean the movements have identical causes or objectives.

3. Is youth unemployment in India comparable with Europe’s housing crisis?

Not directly. Graduate unemployment is a major concern in India, while housing affordability is prominent in Spain and Portugal. The issues can overlap, but meaningful statistical comparisons require consistent measures and comparable populations.

4. Do the protests mean governments are losing public support?

Not necessarily. Demonstrations indicate that people are mobilising around particular grievances, but they do not by themselves establish the level of public support for a government or the wider population’s views.

5. What is the main lesson for India?

India needs to address its own specific challenges: access to stable employment, reliable recruitment processes and confidence in electoral institutions. Europe’s protests offer a comparative perspective, not a prediction that the same pattern will unfold in India.

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‘Healthy’ Mojtaba Khamenei Running Country, Insists Iran Diplomat Giving Real Reason

Iran’s Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei is in good health and continues to direct the country’s affairs despite remaining out of public view since the US-Israeli strikes that killed his father and triggered the war, a senior Iranian diplomat has said.

Abdul Majid Hakeem Ilahi, a representative of the supreme leader, said Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian had held a seven-hour meeting with Khamenei last week. Speaking at the NDTV World Summit in New Delhi on October 23, Ilahi offered the latest official assurance about the leader’s condition as questions persist over his whereabouts and role in wartime decision-making.

“He is benefiting from very good health and he’s working very nicely,” Ilahi said, adding that friends who had met Khamenei had also assured him that the leader was “very, very, very healthy”. However, Khamenei has yet to make a public appearance or release a directly recorded audio or video message since becoming supreme leader.

Iranian diplomat cites security concerns to explain leader’s absence

Ilahi attributed Khamenei’s prolonged absence from the media to security concerns, rejecting speculation that the leader was missing or unable to perform his duties.

“Due to the security till now he didn’t come to the media and no one see him,” he said.

The diplomat also disputed reports that Khamenei had been absent from the funeral ceremonies for his father, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, which culminated in July.

“Even he participated in the funeral of his father. At that time I was in Iran. I met two of his brothers. Mojtaba Khamenei was there also,” Ilahi said.

He further claimed that the supreme leader occasionally went out at night and had participated in public demonstrations. He did not provide photographs or other publicly verifiable evidence to substantiate those claims.

Mojtaba Khamenei has remained out of public view since the February 28 US-Israeli strikes that killed his father on the first day of the war. He was appointed supreme leader shortly afterwards and has communicated through written statements since then.

Iranian officials have maintained that he remains in charge, conducting meetings with senior figures and taking key decisions while restricting his exposure to potential assassination attempts.

Questions over Iran’s wartime command persist

The assurances come as Iran faces mounting military, diplomatic and economic pressures during the conflict. Khamenei’s absence has intensified questions about how authority is exercised in a political system in which the supreme leader holds ultimate power over major state and security decisions.

Iranian state media reported in August that Pezeshkian had met Khamenei in late July to discuss military affairs and economic management, including resource allocation, foreign exchange, energy consumption and economic ties with international partners. The reported meeting followed differing public remarks by the president about access to the supreme leader.

In July, Pezeshkian said interactions with Khamenei were increasing. In early August, however, he described communication with the leader as “very difficult”, adding to uncertainty over the chain of command.

US President Donald Trump has also questioned who is directing Iran. Earlier this month, he said the country’s leadership had been severely weakened by the war and that it was unclear who was running the government.

US Vice President JD Vance said Washington was in talks with Pezeshkian and Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araqchi, but acknowledged uncertainty over the extent of their authority within Iran’s power structure.

Iranian officials have rejected suggestions that the country’s decision-making system is unclear to foreign governments.

The distinction between official assurances and publicly verifiable evidence remains central to the dispute. While Ilahi says Khamenei is healthy, meeting senior officials and continuing to perform his duties, the prolonged absence of any public appearance has left his condition and the precise mechanics of wartime leadership difficult to independently assess.

For Tehran, demonstrating continuity at the highest level of government is particularly important during a conflict that has reshaped its leadership and placed extraordinary pressure on the country’s institutions.

FAQs

1. Why has Mojtaba Khamenei not appeared in public?

Iranian diplomat Abdul Majid Hakeem Ilahi attributed the absence to security concerns. Khamenei has not appeared publicly since the February 28 strikes that killed his father and reportedly injured him.

2. What did the Iranian diplomat say about Khamenei’s health?

Ilahi said Khamenei was in very good health and continuing to perform his duties. He cited a reported seven-hour meeting with President Masoud Pezeshkian the previous week.

3. Did Mojtaba Khamenei attend his father’s funeral?

Ilahi said he was in Iran and that Khamenei attended the funeral ceremonies. The diplomat did not provide publicly verifiable evidence of the claim in the reported remarks.

4. Who is running Iran during the war?

Iranian officials maintain that Khamenei remains in control, while Pezeshkian and other senior figures handle government responsibilities. The precise division of authority is difficult to independently establish because the supreme leader has remained out of public view.

5. When did Mojtaba Khamenei become Iran’s supreme leader?

He was appointed after his father, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, was killed in US-Israeli strikes on February 28, 2026.

Speaker Om Birla Says Fresh Notice Against CEC Will Follow Rules

Lok Sabha Speaker Om Birla has said any fresh notice seeking the removal of Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar will be examined under established parliamentary rules and procedures, amid opposition protests over the Election Commission’s handling of electoral roll revisions.

“If any fresh notice comes, we will see and examine it accordingly under rules and procedures,” Birla told reporters on Thursday, responding to a question about the possibility of another motion against the poll panel chief.

The remarks come as opposition parties intensify their campaign against Kumar over alleged irregularities in the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls. The opposition has demanded his removal, accusing him of exercising the Election Commission’s powers in an arbitrary manner. These allegations have not been established through the removal process.

Opposition’s Earlier Removal Notices

Opposition parties have made two attempts to initiate proceedings against Kumar. Notices submitted during the first attempt were rejected by both the Lok Sabha and the Rajya Sabha in April. Notices submitted during the second attempt remain pending in the Rajya Sabha, according to reports.

The opposition’s campaign has intensified following allegations about the conduct of the SIR exercise. Protests demanding Kumar’s resignation have taken place in different parts of the country over the past fortnight.

Birla’s statement does not indicate that a fresh notice has been formally submitted or that any new removal proceedings have been admitted. Any further action will depend on the submission of a notice and its consideration under the applicable parliamentary procedures.

How the CEC Can Be Removed

The Constitution provides the Chief Election Commissioner with protection against removal similar to that enjoyed by a Supreme Court judge. The CEC can be removed only through a special parliamentary process on grounds of proved misbehaviour or incapacity.

Under the procedure prescribed by law, once a removal motion is admitted, a three-member committee is constituted to investigate the charges. It comprises the Chief Justice of India or a Supreme Court judge, a chief justice of a high court and a distinguished jurist.

If the committee finds the allegations unsubstantiated, the proceedings cannot advance on that basis. If it finds the charges established, Parliament can consider the motion.

Removal requires each House to pass an address supporting it by a majority of its total membership and by at least two-thirds of members present and voting, with both Houses adopting the address in the same session.

Birla’s latest remarks leave open the possibility of further proceedings if the opposition submits another notice. Any such move would have to meet the applicable procedural and constitutional requirements before it could advance.

Strait of Hormuz crisis: Chronology of 10 major developments so far

The Strait of Hormuz crisis has become a test of US President Donald Trump’s Iran strategy, Tehran’s regional leverage and international diplomacy’s ability to prevent a wider conflict. Washington’s military campaign and economic pressure have collided with Iran’s efforts to assert control over passage through the strategic waterway.

Disputes over a ceasefire, maritime access, sanctions and nuclear negotiations have repeatedly undermined diplomatic efforts, leaving the confrontation unresolved and raising questions about the future security of the Gulf. Here’s a chronology of top ten developments captured from the conflict:

Chronology

Oct. 20, 2026: Iran tells Pakistan’s army chief, Field Marshal Asim Munir, that it will not resume negotiations with Washington until its demands are met. Tehran seeks an end to US military operations, the lifting of sanctions on Iranian oil exports and the removal of the US blockade on Iranian ports. Washington insists that Iran’s nuclear programme must be addressed.

Oct. 18, 2026: Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araqchi renews Tehran’s proposal to reopen the Strait of Hormuz within seven days, conditional on US concessions. The two sides remain divided over whether maritime access or Iran’s nuclear programme should be addressed first.

Sept. 24, 2026: US and Iranian negotiators explore a phased agreement in New York that would reopen the strait and end Washington’s economic blockade of Iran. The talks expose a central obstacle: neither side wants to surrender its principal source of negotiating leverage first.

Sept. 2, 2026: Reports indicate that senior Trump administration officials favour limiting further military escalation until after the November US midterm elections, amid concerns about public opposition to the war. The administration continues economic pressure on Tehran while weighing its next diplomatic and military steps.

Aug. 18, 2026: Iranian parliament speaker Mohammad Baqer Qalibaf says the strait will remain closed until Washington meets conditions outlined in an interim agreement, including lifting the blockade, easing oil sanctions and releasing frozen Iranian assets. Tehran declares that the diplomatic framework has unravelled.

Aug. 9, 2026: Iran says negotiations with Oman on new maritime routes through the strait are nearing completion but insists that changing shipping lanes alone will not reopen the waterway. Tehran continues to demand concessions from Washington, including relief from sanctions and military pressure.

Aug. 6, 2026: The Trump administration faces a choice between accepting an arrangement that could give Iran a greater role in supervising the strait and escalating military action. The dispute highlights the gap between Washington’s opposition to Iranian control and Tehran’s determination to secure political concessions.

July 7, 2026: Trump declares the interim agreement with Iran over, deepening the dispute over maritime control and the conditions for ending hostilities. Iran subsequently describes the agreement as suspended, further weakening prospects for a negotiated settlement.

June 17, 2026: Washington and Tehran sign an interim memorandum of understanding committing them to negotiate a broader settlement. The arrangement provides for efforts to ensure safe passage through the strait for 60 days, but disagreements over implementation and control of maritime traffic undermine the agreement.

Feb. 28, 2026: The United States and Israel launch coordinated strikes against Iran, killing Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and several senior Iranian military and security officials. US President Donald Trump says the operation is intended to eliminate threats from Iran and prevent it from developing nuclear weapons, while Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu backs the assault.

Kim Jong Un Death Rumours: A Chronology of Reports Since 2011

Kim Jong Un has been the subject of repeated death rumours since taking power in North Korea in December 2011. The claims have ranged from assassination reports and alleged US military strikes to speculation about a fatal illness. Here’s a list of major death claims documented below, which forced the North Korean leader’s public appearance soon to defy the claim.

February 10, 2012: Foreign Policy reported on February 10, 2012, that an unverified message circulating on Chinese social media claimed unknown assailants had broken into Kim’s residence and shot him dead. The post cited unnamed sources and alleged unusual activity around North Korea’s embassy in Beijing. The report was published less than two months after Kim succeeded his father, Kim Jong Il, who died on December 17, 2011.

February 12, 2012: The Korea Times reported on February 12, 2012, that US officials had rejected claims that Kim was assassinated during a visit to Beijing. The rumours had spread from Chinese social media to Twitter. According to the report, US officials said they had seen no evidence of abnormal activity in North Korea to support the claim.

July 6, 2017: A website published a story on July 6, 2017, claiming Kim had died from a gunshot wound to the head fired by an American sniper. The report alleged that North Korean state media had attributed the shooting to a US operative. PolitiFact examined the claim on July 20, 2017, and found it fabricated. North Korean state media had reported that Kim visited the Kumsusan Palace of the Sun on July 8, two days after the original claim appeared.

July 23-28, 2017: A separate fabricated story claimed Kim was killed in a US military operation against North Korea. The story appeared on a website known for publishing fictional reports presented as news. PolitiFact published its assessment on August 4, 2017, concluding that the alleged US operation and Kim’s death had not occurred.

April 21, 2020: CNN reported on April 21, 2020, that US officials were monitoring intelligence suggesting Kim was in grave danger after undergoing surgery. The report followed his absence from public view and his failure to attend an April 15 ceremony marking the birthday of his grandfather, North Korean founder Kim Il Sung. The speculation followed an earlier report by the Seoul-based website Daily NK, which cited an unnamed source as saying Kim was recovering after a cardiovascular procedure. The reports did not establish that he had died.

April 22, 2020: PolitiFact reported on April 22, 2020, that online videos were falsely claiming Kim had died. The fact-check said rumours and reports based on anonymous sources had fuelled speculation about his health, but there were no confirmed breaking-news reports of his death. The episode illustrated how an initial report about a possible medical emergency developed into more definitive claims about his condition.

May 2, 2020: North Korean state media released photographs on May 2, 2020, purporting to show Kim attending the opening of a fertiliser factory the previous day. It was his first reported public appearance in about 20 days. The images followed weeks of international speculation about his health, including claims that he was critically ill or had died. The Guardian reported that the photographs showed Kim cutting a ribbon and touring the factory, although independent journalists had not been allowed to verify the event themselves.

October 19-20, 2026: A post attributed to US-based Chinese dissident Wanjun Xie claimed Kim had suffered a severe brain haemorrhage, fallen into a coma and been taken to Beijing for treatment before dying. It further alleged that his body had been returned secretly to North Korea and that the death was being concealed.

October 20, 2026: North Korean state media reported on October 20 that Kim had visited a garment and footwear exhibition in Pyongyang on October 19, accompanied by his daughter, Kim Ju Ae. The release of the photographs followed the circulation of the death rumours in media outlets. Yonhap reported that the images showed Kim touring the exhibition.

Indian-origin California man charged in US voter fraud case; Says: ‘Didn’t now I was ineligible’

A 67-year-old Indian-origin retired dentist in California has been charged in a US election fraud case after allegedly registering to vote and participating in the 2024 presidential election despite being a permanent resident rather than a US citizen.

Kamlesh Navnitlal Shah has said he did not know he was legally barred from voting and believed officials had allowed him to register. His case is among a wider federal crackdown on alleged noncitizen voting in California, where authorities have charged 28 people under an initiative called Operation Protect the Vote, according to reports.

Shah, who reportedly suffered a serious accident five to six years ago and spent six months in a coma, said he was confused about the registration process. He told reporters that he had accompanied his blind roommate to a community centre to vote and presented his identification and Social Security card when asked.

“I showed them the ID and my Social Security card. They did something…I don’t remember…it was a long time ago,” Shah said, according to The Times of India.

“I thought I was registering to vote. I didn’t know about my pending citizenship. I thought I must be a citizen. I had no idea I wasn’t,” he added, claiming nobody had told him that permanent residents were not eligible to vote in federal elections.

Shah’s account has not been established as a legal defence, and the allegations against him remain subject to the criminal justice process. His claim that he did not understand the rules does not, by itself, determine whether he committed an offence.

Federal crackdown targets alleged noncitizen voting

The US Justice Department has described Operation Protect the Vote as a coordinated effort involving all four US Attorney’s offices based in California to investigate and prosecute alleged election fraud.

According to the reported federal allegations, 28 people have been charged, including 11 foreign nationals identified in connection with the investigation. Federal agents arrested 11 people, according to U.S. Assistant Attorney Bill Essayli.

“Elections belong to American citizens,” Essayli said. “Even if one noncitizen votes in an election, that is a violation of the constitutional rights of every voter in California who has a legal right to have their vote be counted equally and not diluted by noncitizens.”

Another Indian national named in the reported case is Amandeep Kaur, 30, a resident of Rancho Palos Verdes. According to the allegations, Kaur registered to vote in December 2022 and voted in the November 2024 election while seeking US citizenship.

The charges reportedly include making false statements in naturalisation applications and fraudulent voter registration. Federal prosecutors say the offences carry a maximum prison sentence of five years, although the precise potential penalty depends on the specific charge, applicable law and outcome of the case.

The distinction between an allegation and a conviction is important. Being named in the investigation or charged with an offence does not establish guilt, and each defendant is entitled to contest the allegations in court.

California ballot dispute adds political dimension

The cases have also become part of a wider dispute between the federal government and California over voter eligibility and election administration.

According to the reported federal account, the government supplied California officials with a list of individuals whose citizenship status it questioned and sought to have their mail-in ballots set aside pending verification. California declined to assist with the proposed action, prompting the federal government to file a lawsuit seeking judicial intervention.

Acting Deputy Attorney General Trent McCotter defended the federal initiative, arguing that voting by ineligible individuals undermines the electoral rights of citizens.

“Every illegal vote cancels out the vote of a lawful American citizen,” McCotter said, according to the reported statement.

The administration also said the 28 defendants appeared on a list of more than 20,000 people it described as likely noncitizen registrants. That figure represents the government’s stated concern, not a judicial finding that all the individuals voted illegally or committed fraud.

The dispute highlights the tension between federal efforts to enforce election laws and state authority over voter registration and election administration. Establishing whether an individual is a citizen, whether that person registered or voted, and whether the conduct violated criminal law requires case-specific evidence.

For Indian permanent residents in the United States, Shah’s case underscores a basic legal distinction: lawful permanent residence, commonly known as holding a Green Card, does not confer the right to vote in federal elections. That right generally belongs to US citizens, subject to applicable registration and voting requirements.

The case also raises questions about the safeguards used during voter registration and the responsibility of applicants to understand eligibility rules. Shah’s claim that he misunderstood the process will need to be assessed against the evidence and the charges brought against him.

The broader investigation is likely to remain politically contentious as federal and California authorities contest how suspected noncitizen registrations should be identified and handled. The outcome of the individual prosecutions and the related lawsuit will be important in determining the legal consequences of the allegations and the scope of the federal government’s demands.

FAQs

Can Green Card holders vote in US presidential elections?

No. US federal elections are generally restricted to US citizens who meet the applicable voting requirements. Lawful permanent residents cannot vote in federal elections.

Who is Kamlesh Navnitlal Shah?

He is a 67-year-old Indian-origin retired dentist in California who has been charged in connection with alleged voter fraud involving the 2024 US election. He says he did not know he was ineligible to vote.

What is Operation Protect the Vote?

It is the US Justice Department initiative described as a coordinated effort by California-based federal prosecutors to investigate and prosecute alleged election fraud.

Has Kamlesh Shah been convicted?

The information provided identifies him as charged, not convicted. The allegations must be established through the legal process.

JD Vance Says He May Skip 2028 Presidential Race as Usha Weighs Family’s Future

U.S. Vice President JD Vance has acknowledged that he may not run for president in 2028, saying his four young children and his wife, second lady Usha Vance, will be important considerations as he weighs his political future.

“Of course there’s a chance,” Vance said during a CBS News town hall in Michigan that aired Saturday. Asked about the possibility of sitting out the next presidential election, he said he had not made up his mind and would need to think about the decision.

“We’ve got four little kids, my wife has never loved politics. She loves public service,” Vance said, according to reports on the town hall.

The remarks offer a glimpse into the personal considerations facing Vance as speculation grows over who could lead the Republican Party after President Donald Trump leaves office. Vance is widely viewed as a potential contender for the 2028 Republican presidential nomination, but he has repeatedly said he is focused on his current responsibilities rather than planning a campaign.

Usha Vance’s Role in the 2028 Decision

Vance’s comments place family considerations at the center of a decision that could determine whether he enters what is expected to be a competitive Republican nomination contest.

Usha Vance, Indian-origin American, has previously indicated that a presidential campaign is not a priority for the family at this stage. In a March interview with NBC News, she said her husband was focused on the 2026 midterm elections and the work of the administration.

“If you come back in 2027 and ask me, I’ll have a better sense of, you know, what he’s thinking in that way,” she said, adding that a possible presidential run was not the priority of their conversations.

Vance has also said that he and his wife plan to discuss their family’s future after the midterm elections. In a June interview with CBS News, he said they would sit down to consider what comes next for them.

“The way that I make decisions is that I try not to make them until I absolutely must,” he said at the time. He also said he expected Trump to support whatever decision he ultimately made.

Usha Vance, a former corporate lawyer, has generally maintained a distinction between her role as a political spouse and her husband’s official work. Her earlier comments suggest that the prospect of a presidential campaign would be a family decision, rather than one driven solely by political expectations.

The vice president’s latest remarks do not indicate that his wife has urged him against running. They establish only that their family circumstances will be part of his deliberations.

Trump Succession Race Remains Open

Vance is among the Republicans being discussed as a potential successor to Trump, whose second presidential term will end in January 2029. Secretary of State Marco Rubio is another figure frequently mentioned in discussions about the party’s future leadership.

Trump has publicly praised Vance and previously described him as a likely successor, but the president has also kept speculation about the 2028 Republican field alive. No formal nomination contest has begun, and Vance has not announced a campaign.

The vice president’s immediate political focus remains the November midterm elections, when control of Congress will be at stake. His performance in the administration, the party’s electoral results and his own assessment of family life could all shape his eventual decision.

For now, Vance has left the door open to both possibilities. His admission that he may not run challenges assumptions that he is certain to seek the Republican nomination, while his comments about Usha and their children underscore the personal costs that could accompany another national campaign.

A decision is not expected immediately. Vance has indicated that he intends to revisit the question after the midterms, leaving the 2028 Republican race unresolved as the administration approaches a consequential election cycle.

Cockroach Janta Party Founder Abhijeet Dipke Detained Ahead of Delhi Tiranga Protest

Delhi Police detained Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) founder Abhijeet Dipke on Friday ahead of a planned national-flag protest in the capital’s Connaught Place business district, escalating a confrontation over the Election Commission’s revision of electoral rolls and demands for Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar’s resignation.

Live video posted on the movement’s Instagram account showed police officers stopping Dipke as he left a residence and taking him towards a police vehicle following a brief argument. An officer could be heard telling him, “We are detaining you right now.”

“I have not broken any law right now… how can you detain me,” Dipke asked as police took him away, according to the video. Police had warned him earlier against proceeding with the proposed demonstration but had not immediately commented on the detention, Reuters reported.

The detention came as authorities stepped up security across central Delhi ahead of the CJP’s “Lehra Do Tiranga” protest, called in solidarity with two party leaders, Ashutosh Ranka and Saurav Das, who were sent to five-day judicial custody after a demonstration at Jantar Mantar.

The movement and its supporters had urged people to gather at Central Park in Connaught Place on Friday evening to wave and hoist the national flag. Police advised people against joining the gathering, while the New Delhi Municipal Council announced that Central Park would remain closed to the public on October 16 and 17, citing administrative reasons.

Police said they could facilitate a small group carrying the national flag and singing the national anthem at a suitable location, but the wider demonstration faced restrictions. The Delhi High Court had declined on Thursday to stop the proposed protest, recording police assurances that the gathering would be regulated.

SIR Row Drives Protests Against Election Chief

The latest confrontation is part of a wider campaign by the youth-led CJP, opposition groups and student organisations demanding Kumar’s resignation over the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls.

Critics allege that the revision risks disenfranchising eligible voters and disproportionately affects vulnerable communities. The Election Commission has denied political bias, saying the exercise is intended to correct electoral rolls and that voters whose names were wrongly removed can re-enrol. The BJP has accused opposition parties of undermining democratic institutions by questioning the process.

More than 130 million voter names have reportedly been deleted during the revision, according to Reuters. The scale of the changes has intensified scrutiny of the process, although the total number of deletions does not by itself establish how many involved eligible voters wrongly excluded from the rolls.

The controversy has expanded from questions about electoral procedures into a broader dispute over political accountability, protest rights and the limits of police restrictions. The CJP has made the demand for Kumar’s resignation the centrepiece of its campaign, while opposition groups have joined demonstrations challenging the conduct of the revision.

The movement has also drawn attention through its use of the cockroach as a symbol of resilience, turning an online youth campaign into a street-level protest mobilisation.

Heavy Security and Traffic Restrictions in Connaught Place

Authorities deployed additional personnel and increased surveillance around Connaught Place, Central Park and nearby public areas. Police also warned that traffic movement across central Delhi could be disrupted as the proposed rally approached.

The security measures affected a major commercial and shopping district, prompting concerns among traders about business losses and access to the area. Traders have challenged the proposed demonstration, arguing that the gathering could cause serious disruption.

The developments place the authorities in a difficult position. Police must manage public safety and traffic in a crowded commercial district, while ensuring that restrictions on peaceful political assembly remain lawful and proportionate.

For the CJP, Dipke’s detention is likely to intensify its confrontation with the administration. The movement has portrayed its campaign as a defence of democratic rights and electoral accountability, while authorities have emphasised restrictions on gatherings and the need to maintain public order.

The immediate question is whether the protest can proceed under the restrictions imposed by the authorities. The larger dispute concerns the transparency of electoral-roll revisions and the extent to which demonstrations against the Election Commission can be conducted without repeated confrontations with police.

With the CJP demanding the election chief’s resignation and the BJP rejecting allegations of bias, the dispute has become a test of both institutional accountability and the handling of political dissent in the national capital.

Prashant Bhushan’s ‘Regime Change’ Call Echoes BJP’s ‘Parivartan’ in 2013-14, Escalates Row

Senior advocate Prashant Bhushan has openly declared that the protests against the Election Commission’s Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls are now a fight for “regime change”, intensifying a political confrontation that began with demands for Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar’s resignation.

“Yes, we want regime change,” Bhushan said at a press conference on Thursday evening, flanked by All India Students’ Association (AISA) activist Neha Bora and Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) founder Abhijeet Dipke. He argued that expressing disaffection against a government is not a crime in a democracy and accused the authorities of escalating the confrontation through their response to the protests.

BJP leaders have argued that the electoral-roll controversy is being used as a pretext for a campaign against Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s government. The opposition, meanwhile, has maintained that its challenge concerns the integrity of elections and the treatment of protesters demanding accountability from the Election Commission.

The dispute now extends beyond the merits of the SIR exercise. It has become a test of how far opposition groups can mobilise against a constitutional authority, how the government and police respond to demonstrations, and whether the political objective of removing an elected government is being conflated with allegations of electoral wrongdoing.

Bhushan’s Declaration Gives BJP a Political Opening

Bhushan’s statement marks a shift in the public framing of the agitation. The immediate demand has centred on Kumar’s resignation over alleged irregularities in the revision of electoral rolls. The declaration that the movement seeks regime change broadens that objective into an explicit challenge to the government.

The controversy has also revived scrutiny of Narendra Modi’s own pre-2014 campaign rhetoric. A review of his speeches from 2013 and 2014 suggests that he generally framed political change through terms such as “Parivartan” and calls to uproot the Congress-led government in Delhi, rather than using the specific phrase “regime change” as a description of his political programme.

The BJP has now circulated old campaign clips to counter Prashant Bhushan’s declaration, arguing that a change of government in a democracy must be secured by winning public support through elections, not by creating disorder through street protests. The comparison exposes a central distinction in the current confrontation: whether “regime change” means replacing an elected government through constitutional means or is being used to suggest a more disruptive political objective.

Bhushan’s statement alone does not establish the latter, but it has given the BJP an opportunity to challenge the opposition’s intentions while shifting attention away from the substantive allegations surrounding the SIR exercise.

The BJP has seized on the distinction. Party spokesperson Pradip Bhandari has argued that the SIR issue is a smokescreen for Rahul Gandhi and the opposition’s wider political agenda. The party has also invoked Bora’s comments about the youth-led movement in Bangladesh, which led to the removal of former prime minister Sheikh Hasina, to question whether sections of the protest movement want to reproduce that political upheaval in India.

But the political significance of Bhushan’s statement requires a distinction between opposing a government and seeking to overthrow it unlawfully. In a parliamentary democracy, campaigning to defeat an incumbent government, mobilising public opinion against it and demanding fresh political accountability are legitimate forms of political activity. A declaration favouring regime change does not, by itself, establish a conspiracy to seize power outside constitutional processes.

The crucial question is what the protesters mean by the term and what methods they intend to employ. Bhushan has framed the objective as a struggle against what he describes as a dictatorial government, arguing that continued suppression of demonstrations could deepen public resistance. The BJP interprets the same statement as confirmation that the movement’s real purpose extends beyond electoral-roll reform.

Neither interpretation settles the underlying dispute over SIR. That requires evidence about the revision process, the rules governing additions and deletions, the handling of objections and the safeguards available to affected voters.

The declaration nevertheless creates a political challenge for the opposition. Leaders who want to build a broad coalition around electoral integrity must explain how the demand for regime change relates to the specific grievances raised against the Election Commission. Otherwise, the BJP can argue that the original issue has been displaced by a wider campaign to remove the government.

SIR Dispute Moves Beyond the Election Commission

The Special Intensive Revision of electoral rolls has become the central institutional issue behind the protests. Critics have alleged that the exercise risks disenfranchising eligible voters and have questioned the manner in which names are scrutinised or removed. The Election Commission’s position is that electoral rolls must be revised to maintain their accuracy and remove ineligible entries.

The distinction between correcting a voter list and improperly excluding eligible citizens is central to the controversy. Large-scale revisions require transparent procedures, clear communication with voters and an effective mechanism for challenging deletions. The political dispute cannot be resolved by allegations alone; it requires scrutiny of the relevant electoral data and the procedures followed in individual cases.

Rahul Gandhi and other INDIA bloc leaders have challenged the Election Commission over SIR, bringing the controversy into the courts. The Supreme Court issued notice to the Election Commission, the chief election commissioner and the other election commissioners on petitions concerning the exercise, according to reports published on October 15. The judicial proceedings provide a separate channel for examining the legal issues, even as protests continue on the streets.

The controversy also raises a broader question about institutional accountability. The Election Commission must be able to revise electoral rolls without political interference, but its decisions must also withstand scrutiny where voters allege that the process has affected their rights. Demanding the resignation of the chief election commissioner is a political demand; establishing whether the revision has violated electoral law is a separate legal question.

A Test of Political Credibility and Democratic Accountability

Bhushan’s “regime change” declaration has shifted attention from the technical questions surrounding SIR to the broader political ambitions of the movement. That shift may help the BJP portray the agitation as an opposition campaign against Modi rather than a focused effort to improve electoral transparency.

Yet political motivation does not automatically invalidate a complaint. Opposition parties can seek electoral advantage while raising legitimate questions about public institutions. Equally, a legitimate grievance does not exempt its proponents from scrutiny of their claims, methods and objectives.

The decisive questions remain whether eligible voters have been improperly excluded, whether the Election Commission has followed the law, whether the courts identify grounds for intervention and whether police restrictions on demonstrations are necessary and proportionate.

For the BJP, the opportunity is to answer the substantive questions about SIR rather than rely solely on the opposition’s political language. For the opposition, the challenge is to demonstrate that its allegations are supported by evidence and that its campaign seeks change through constitutional and democratic means.

Bhushan has made the movement’s political ambition explicit. What remains unresolved is whether that declaration will strengthen public mobilisation or allow the BJP to shift the debate away from electoral-roll accountability.

The confrontation is no longer only about the resignation of one election official. It is now a contest over the credibility of electoral institutions, the limits of protest regulation and the opposition’s ability to turn allegations of procedural wrongdoing into a persuasive national political campaign.

FAQs

Why did Prashant Bhushan call for regime change?

Bhushan said the agitation had become a fight to replace what he described as a dictatorial government, amid protests over the Election Commission’s Special Intensive Revision of electoral rolls and the police response to demonstrations.

What is the BJP’s response to the statement?

The BJP argues that the SIR controversy is being used as a pretext for a wider campaign against the Modi government, citing the statement as evidence that the agitation extends beyond electoral-roll reform.

Has the CJP received permission to protest?

Mumbai police have authorised the CJP’s rally at Azad Maidan on October 16. In Delhi, police have offered to facilitate a group of 11 people at a suitable location in Central Park, while restrictions and security measures remain in force.

Does calling for regime change amount to an illegal act?

Not by itself. Seeking to replace an elected government through elections, peaceful protest and other constitutional means is part of democratic politics. The legality of any specific action depends on its conduct and the applicable law.

What is the central issue in the SIR controversy?

The dispute concerns whether the Election Commission’s revision of electoral rolls is being conducted accurately and fairly, and whether eligible voters are adequately protected against wrongful exclusion.

CJP Gets Mumbai Police Nod for Tiranga Rally, Delhi Tightens Security With CCTVs

Mumbai police have granted the Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) permission to hold its “Lehra Do Tiranga” rally at Azad Maidan on Friday, October 16, allowing the party to stage a demonstration in support of its leaders Ashutosh Ranka and Saurav Das, who were sent to five-day judicial custody following a protest at Delhi’s Jantar Mantar.

However, the permission is restricted to Azad Maidan, a designated protest venue, with the rally scheduled from 10 a.m. to 5 p.m.

The approval in Mumbai contrasts with the restrictions facing the party in New Delhi, where authorities have tightened security around Connaught Place ahead of a proposed Tiranga march. The CJP has demanded the resignation of Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar over alleged irregularities in the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls, turning the dispute into a wider confrontation over electoral accountability, protest rights and the policing of demonstrations.

Arrest of Das and Ranka Triggers Fresh Row

The arrests of Ranka and Das followed their alleged entry into Jantar Mantar, where they raised slogans demanding Kumar’s resignation. The Union Home Ministry had withdrawn Jantar Mantar’s status as a designated protest site a day before the incident. The two leaders were subsequently sent to judicial custody on Wednesday, according to reports published on October 15 and 16.

In Mumbai, police said the organisers had agreed to confine the demonstration to Azad Maidan. The decision allows the protest to proceed at an officially designated site while keeping it separate from public roads and other areas. The party has appealed to supporters to bring the national flag to the gathering.

The Delhi administration, meanwhile, has taken a more restrictive approach. The New Delhi Municipal Council has announced that Central Park in Connaught Place will remain closed on October 16 and 17, citing administrative reasons. Police have invoked Section 163 of the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita in the area, imposing restrictions intended to prevent gatherings that could threaten public order.

More than 25,000 police and paramilitary personnel have reportedly been deployed in the capital ahead of the proposed demonstration, with CCTV surveillance and additional security measures around Central Park and Rajiv Chowk. Police have also warned against unauthorised gatherings, while indicating that any permitted activity would be subject to restrictions. The arrangements have raised concerns among local traders about disruption to commercial activity in one of Delhi’s busiest shopping districts.

SIR Turns Sour

The political dispute is rooted in the CJP’s opposition to the Election Commission’s Special Intensive Revision of electoral rolls. The exercise has become a contentious issue in Indian politics, with critics questioning its implementation and potential effects on voters, while election authorities maintain that electoral roll revision is necessary to improve accuracy and remove ineligible entries.

The party’s campaign has increasingly centred on the national flag as a symbol of its claim that peaceful protest and political dissent are democratic rights. Its immediate demand is linked to the arrests of its leaders, but its broader political challenge concerns the space available for demonstrations against constitutional authorities.

The contrasting decisions in Mumbai and Delhi highlight how the location and legal status of a protest site can determine whether a demonstration proceeds. Mumbai police have authorised a time-bound rally at a designated ground, while Delhi authorities have restricted access to the proposed venue and strengthened security around the capital’s commercial centre.

The immediate test for the CJP is whether it can mobilise supporters while complying with police conditions.

Released CJP Leader Abhijeet Dipke Vows Fresh Protests, Says ‘No Bond Signed’

Abhijeet Dipke, founder of the Cockroach Janta Party (CJP), has vowed to resume protests against Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar, asserting that the party has not signed any agreement promising to abandon its agitation. His declaration came hours after a Delhi court ordered his release, along with fellow CJP leaders Saurav Das and Ashutosh Ranka, following their detention during Saturday’s planned demonstration.

“Haven’t signed any bond that says we won’t protest. We will hit the streets again,” Dipke wrote on X on Sunday, October 11. He also declared that the CJP would not be intimidated, describing October 10 as “the beginning of the end of this dictatorship.”

Court’s Peace Condition Raises Questions Over Future Protests

The three CJP leaders were released after a Delhi executive magistrate court imposed a condition requiring them to maintain peace and good behaviour for one year. According to reports, a surety bond of ₹50,000 was filed in connection with their release. Dipke’s subsequent statement indicates that the party intends to continue its political agitation, although the precise legal implications of the release condition for future demonstrations remain a separate question.

Dipke said he was returning to his hometown in Maharashtra to attend the last rites of his grandmother, who died on Saturday. CJP co-conveners Das and Ranka later addressed a press conference in Delhi following his departure.

CJP Protest Against Gyanesh Kumar Enters Second Day

The CJP’s agitation centres on demands for Kumar’s resignation over alleged irregularities in the revision of electoral rolls under the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) exercise. The Election Commission and the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party have denied allegations of wrongdoing, while the Commission has said eligible voters whose names were incorrectly removed can re-enrol.

Delhi Police detained thousands of people during Saturday’s crackdown on the planned rally, according to Reuters, as authorities deployed police and paramilitary personnel, restricted movement in parts of the capital and suspended mobile internet services in the central business district. The planned demonstration at Jantar Mantar was blocked by security forces. Reuters reported that the protests also led to the detention of demonstrators in Mumbai.

The agitation continued on Sunday, with more than 100 protesters detained as CJP supporters and members of student organisations attempted to march towards Jantar Mantar. CPI(M) Rajya Sabha MP John Brittas was also among those detained, according to police cited by PTI.

The dispute has widened beyond the immediate confrontation between protesters and police. The UN Human Rights Office expressed concern over the mass detentions and called for the right to peaceful assembly to be respected. India’s Permanent Mission to the UN in Geneva rejected the criticism as an “unwarranted interference” in the country’s internal affairs.

With Dipke now promising renewed demonstrations, the next phase of the confrontation will depend on how the CJP proceeds with its protest plans and how authorities enforce restrictions linked to public order. The party has made clear that its demand for Kumar’s resignation remains unchanged.

Riyadh Airport Attack Kills 12, Injures 309 as Saudi Strikes Yemen

An attack on King Khalid International Airport in Riyadh killed 12 people and injured 309 others on Saturday, Saudi Arabia’s General Authority of Civil Aviation said, as the kingdom and Yemen’s Houthi movement exchanged strikes amid a renewed escalation of the conflict.

The fatalities included four Saudi citizens, two Bangladeshi nationals and one person each from the United States, Egypt, Jordan, Syria, Palestine and Sudan, the aviation authority said in a statement early Sunday. Several injured people were in serious condition and were receiving treatment at hospitals.

The attack prompted authorities to suspend airport operations temporarily while damage assessments and safety checks were carried out. The Houthis claimed responsibility for the strike, according to Reuters and other international news reports.

The attack marked a major escalation in the campaign against Saudi infrastructure and intensified concerns over civilian aviation safety as fighting spread across Yemen and neighbouring areas.

Houthis Threaten Reciprocal Action as Saudi Strikes Yemen

Following the airport attack, the Houthi movement said it was prepared to take reciprocal measures against Saudi Arabia. The group said airports, seaports and other facilities serving humanitarian functions should remain outside the expanding military confrontation.

Houthi-run Al-Masirah television reported that Saudi Arabia launched a fresh wave of air and missile strikes across areas under Houthi control in Yemen on Saturday. The reported targets included Sanaa International Airport, areas near the strategically important Bab al-Mandab Strait and several northern provinces.

The latest exchanges followed a major offensive launched by Yemen’s internationally recognised government, backed by Saudi air power, to retake territory held by the Houthis. Some of the heaviest fighting has centred on areas around Bab al-Mandab, a vital maritime chokepoint linking the Red Sea with the Gulf of Aden.

Yemeni government forces said more than 1,150 Houthi fighters had been “neutralized” and over 180 military and logistical vehicles destroyed or damaged in more than 1,900 strikes across several fronts during the preceding 24 hours. These figures could not be independently verified.

Near the southwestern city of Taiz, Houthi advances have increased pressure on government forces and disrupted important road links connecting the city with government-held territory in southern Yemen, military sources told Xinhua. Fierce clashes were continuing south of the city, the sources said.

Renewed Fighting Threatens Yemen’s Fragile Stability

Yemen’s conflict dates back to late 2014, when the Houthis seized Sanaa and expanded their control across much of the country’s north. Saudi Arabia intervened in 2015 at the head of a military coalition supporting the internationally recognised government, which is now based in the southern port city of Aden.

A United Nations-brokered truce in 2022 substantially reduced major hostilities, although it did not resolve the underlying political and territorial disputes. The renewed fighting represents a significant escalation, with attacks on civilian infrastructure adding to the risks for residents and regional transport networks.

The latest developments also raise concerns about the security of commercial aviation and shipping routes in a region already affected by military confrontation. The scale of the airport casualties, the suspension of operations and the competing claims surrounding the fighting underline the growing civilian cost of the renewed conflict.

UN Human Rights Body Raises Alarm Over Mass Detentions in Delhi, Mumbai Protests

The United Nations Human Rights office has raised concerns over the reported mass detention of protesters, opposition leaders, lawyers, journalists and civil society members in Delhi, calling on Indian authorities to release anyone arbitrarily detained and exercise restraint amid a sweeping security crackdown on demonstrations demanding the resignation of Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar.

In a statement on Saturday, October 10, the UN body said it was concerned about detentions before and during large-scale protests in the national capital. The demonstrations, organised by the Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) and others, were linked to allegations and concerns surrounding the Election Commission’s Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls.

“We are concerned by reports of mass detentions in India of demonstrators, protest leaders, members of civil society organisations, lawyers and journalists, before and during today’s large-scale demonstrations in Delhi,” UN Human Rights body said.

The office stressed that restrictions on peaceful demonstrations must satisfy strict tests of necessity and proportionality. It urged the authorities to ensure that law enforcement personnel exercised “utmost restraint” and called for meaningful dialogue to address protesters’ concerns, citing India’s democratic traditions and human rights obligations.

The intervention places the handling of the protests under international scrutiny as opposition parties accuse the government of suppressing dissent. The Indian government has rejected the UN office’s concerns as misplaced, according to subsequent reports.

More Than 7,000 Detained as Delhi Sees Massive Security Deployment

More than 7,000 protesters were reportedly detained across Delhi as police and paramilitary personnel moved to prevent demonstrators from reaching Jantar Mantar, where the CJP had planned a mobilisation demanding Gyanesh Kumar’s resignation.

The security operation involved more than 30,000 police and paramilitary personnel, according to reports. Barricades were erected across Lutyens’ Delhi, and authorities conducted checks at border points, railway stations, bus terminals, hotels and other sensitive locations. Several metro stations were also closed, disrupting movement across parts of the capital.

Police repeatedly announced that people and mediapersons should not assemble in groups at Jantar Mantar. Authorities also monitored social media for attempts to mobilise demonstrators, with more than 200 content creators reportedly under scrutiny over online posts and messages connected to the proposed protest.

Tensions escalated near Akashwani Bhawan on Imtiaz Ali Marg at around 1 pm, when a group allegedly threw stones at security personnel, injuring two police officers. The protesters were detained, and a senior police officer said multiple first information reports could be registered in connection with the incident.

Police also detained people at Hanuman Temple, Safdarjung Flyover and Kerala House, as well as demonstrators who managed to reach Jantar Mantar.

CJP convener Abhijit Dipke and party members Saurav Das and Ashutosh Ranka were detained at Delhi airport after arriving from Mumbai, according to reports. In a video shared by the party, Dipke could be heard telling officers who entered the aircraft: “We are here to be arrested, come and arrest us.”

Police had informed CJP leaders that permission had not been granted for the Jantar Mantar demonstration. Dipke criticised the detentions, alleging that party leaders were being treated like criminals and describing the action as authoritarian.

YouTuber Dhruv Rathee, who lives abroad and had travelled to India to join the demonstration, was detained from his residence in Gurugram’s Sector 56, according to reports.

The crackdown extended beyond activists and party workers, drawing prominent political figures into the dispute.

Opposition Leaders Detained, Sonam Wangchuk Issues Warning

Several opposition leaders were reportedly detained as they attempted to join the demonstration from different parts of Delhi. Those named in reports included former Delhi chief minister Arvind Kejriwal of the Aam Aadmi Party, West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee of the Trinamool Congress, Kerala Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan of the CPI(M), and former Tripura chief minister Manik Sarkar of the CPI(M).

The detentions prompted sharp criticism from opposition parties. Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge accused the Narendra Modi government of turning the “mother of democracy” into a “muzzled democracy”, alleging that the BJP and RSS were displaying cowardice through the crackdown.

Leader of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha Rahul Gandhi expressed solidarity with young protesters and urged them to continue their demonstrations. He challenged Prime Minister Narendra Modi to arrest all the protesters, saying they would continue their fight to defend the Constitution and protect the voice of the Indian people.

Activist Sonam Wangchuk also warned of a possible protest if those detained were not released within 24 hours. Wangchuk had previously joined a 36-day CJP agitation at Jantar Mantar over the NEET paper leak issue. That protest ended on July 25 following the resignation of Union Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan, according to the supplied reports.

The earlier agitation had also witnessed unrest during a march towards Parliament on July 20, when security personnel attempted to stop demonstrators.

The mobilisation spread to Mumbai, where police detained around 400 people at different locations for allegedly protesting without permission in solidarity with the Delhi demonstrations. Those reportedly detained included actor Imran Khan, activist Tushar Gandhi and CPI(M) workers. Demonstrations took place at August Kranti Maidan, Hutatma Chowk and other locations.

In Delhi, authorities maintained heightened security, deploying more than 120 companies of Central Armed Police Forces to assist local police. Mock drills were conducted at several locations to assess preparedness, while liquor shops across the capital were closed as a precautionary measure.

‘Unwarranted Response’: MEA

India’s External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar’s office pushed back against the UN Human Rights office’s criticism, with India’s Permanent Mission to the UN in Geneva describing the concerns as “misplaced” and an “unwarranted interference” in the country’s internal affairs.

In a statement posted on X on Saturday, October 10, India said the right to peaceful assembly was guaranteed by the Constitution and safeguarded by robust democratic institutions, an independent judiciary and a free media. It added that demonstrations, as in other democracies, were subject to reasonable restrictions in the interest of public order, maintained that authorities acted in accordance with the law and said courts remained available to address grievances.

India also urged the UN body to devote comparable attention to large-scale protests elsewhere, citing the principles of impartiality and non-selectivity.

The UN Human Rights office’s intervention has added an international dimension to the controversy over the handling of dissent and the proposed electoral-roll revision. Its central demand is that authorities respect the right to peaceful assembly, ensure proportionality in law enforcement and release those arbitrarily detained.

The immediate questions are how many of those detained will remain in custody, whether formal cases will be registered against protesters and how the authorities will respond to demands for dialogue over the SIR exercise. The episode has intensified the political confrontation over electoral fraud allegations, civil liberties and the right to protest.

Dhruv Rathee Detained in Gurugram Ahead of Delhi Protest Over EC Resignation

YouTuber Dhruv Rathee was detained by Delhi Police at his Gurugram residence on Saturday, October 10, ahead of a proposed Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) protest at Jantar Mantar in New Delhi demanding the resignation of Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar.

According to a Moneycontrol report citing News18, a team of Delhi Police arrived at Rathee’s residence in Central Park Vihar, Sector 56, Gurugram, on Saturday morning. The team reportedly entered the house at around 7:48 am after his mother opened the door.

The circumstances surrounding the detention and the specific legal grounds for the police action were not immediately clear.

Why Was Dhruv Rathee Detained?

Rathee was reportedly preparing to participate in the CJP demonstration, which was called to demand Kumar’s resignation amid allegations concerning electoral roll revisions and irregularities in the voter-list revision process.

Delhi Police had denied permission for the proposed demonstration, citing procedural lapses and law-and-order concerns. The detention came ahead of the planned gathering, although authorities had not publicly established the precise grounds for taking Rathee into custody at the time of publication.

According to the report, around 50 police personnel had gathered outside his Gurugram residence late on Thursday night. Further details about the operation and whether Rathee would be formally arrested or released were awaited.

Rathee had also criticised the security restrictions imposed in Delhi ahead of the proposed protest. In a social media video, he questioned measures reportedly affecting public transport and communications, including train cancellations and a temporary suspension of mobile internet services in parts of central Delhi.

Delhi Tightens Security Ahead of CJP Demonstration

Delhi was placed under heightened security ahead of the proposed gathering, with police personnel deployed at key locations and along routes leading to Jantar Mantar and other sensitive areas.

Media reports indicated that authorities had introduced preventive measures to restrict unauthorised gatherings and maintain public order. Police were also reported to have detained people attempting to reach the protest site.

The security measures came amid concerns about potential disruptions to traffic, public transport and essential services.

The proposed demonstration has also raised questions about the balance between maintaining public order and protecting the right to peaceful assembly. While authorities cited procedural and security concerns in denying permission, the circumstances surrounding Rathee’s detention remained unclear.

Further details on the official grounds for the detention and any subsequent legal action were awaited.